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Roots of the U.S.-Israel Relationship
By Mitchell G. Bard

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Today, the United States and Israel are the closest of friends and allies. During more than four decades of state-building, Israelis have looked to the United States for inspiration, financial and military assistance, and diplomatic support. Americans, in turn, have viewed Israel with a special appreciation for its successful effort to follow the Western democratic tradition, its remarkable economic development, and its determined struggle against its uncompromising enemies.

This mutual admiration is hardly a recent phenomenon. The profound influence of Jewish tradition on the Founding Fathers can be seen in the American Constitution. Such influence should come as no surprise given John Adams' view expressed in a letter to Thomas Jefferson: "I will insist that the Hebrews have done more to civilize man than any other nation."

According to Woodrow Wilson, the ancient Jewish nation provided a model for the American colonists:

Recalling the previous experiences of the colonists in applying the Mosaic Code to the order of their internal life, it is not to be wondered at that the various passages in the Bible that serve to undermine royal authority, stripping the Crown of its cloak of divinity, held up before the pioneer Americans the Hebrew Commonwealth as a model government. In the spirit and essence of our Constitution, the influence of the Hebrew Commonwealth was paramount in that it was not only the highest authority for the principle, "that rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God," but also because it was in itself a divine precedent for a pure democracy, as distinguished from monarchy, aristocracy or any other form of government.

Jews also contributed directly to the revolution. President Calvin Coolidge paid tribute to their role in the War of Independence:

The Jews themselves, of whom a considerable number were already scattered throughout the colonies, were true to the teachings of their prophets. The Jewish faith is predominantly the faith of liberty.

One original design for the official Seal for the United States submitted by Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams depicted the Israelites crossing the Red Sea with Pharaoh in pursuit and Moses standing on the other side. The motto was to have been: "Rebellion to Tyrants is Obedience to God." Another seal was chosen, but the Liberty Bell does bear an inscription from the Old Testament: "And Proclaim Freedom Throughout The Land Unto All the Inhabitants Thereof" (Leviticus 25:10).

Although it took 2,000 years to resurrect Hebrew as a spoken language in the early twentieth century in Palestine, Hebrew was a prerequisite for early American scholars. Many universities required it in their curriculum. Hebrew was compulsory at Harvard until 1787. To this day, Yale's insignia has the words Urim V'Thummim (oracle learning).

America's Support for Zionism
American support for the age-old aspirations of the Jewish people to return to their homeland dates from the Colonial period when John Adams wrote: "I really wish the Jews again in Judea an independent nation for, as I believe, the most enlightened men of it have participated in the amelioration of the philosophy of the age." John Quincy Adams wrote to Major Mordecai Manuel Noah that he believed in the "rebuilding of Judea as an independent nation."

Not long after the Emancipation Proclamation, President Abraham Lincoln met a Canadian Christian Zionist, Henry Wentworth Monk, who expressed hope that Jews who were suffering oppression in Russia and Turkey be emancipated "by restoring them to their national home in Palestine." Lincoln said this was "a noble dream and one shared by many Americans." The President said his chiropodist was a Jew who "has so many times ‘put me upon my feet’ that I would have no objection to giving his countrymen ‘a leg up.’"

In 1883, Emma Lazarus, the poet whose words are inscribed on the Statue of Liberty, wrote that Palestine should be as "a Home for the Homeless, a Goal for the Wanderer and an Asylum for the persecuted and a nation of the denationalized."

In 1891, pogroms incited by Czar Alexander III provoked an outcry by many prominent Americans, including the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and Speaker of the House. Rev. William E. Blackstone and Cardinal Gibbons presented a petition signed by those who were concerned about the fate of the Jews in Russia to President Benjamin Harrison and Secretary of State James Blaine. They called for the first international conference "to consider the Israelite claim to Palestine as their ancient home, and to promote in any other just and proper way the alleviation of their suffering condition."

Why not give Palestine back to the Jews again? According to God's distribution of nations, it is their home—an inalienable possession from which they were expelled by force. Under their cultivation was a remarkable fruitful land, sustaining millions of Israelites, who industrially tilled its hillsides and valleys. They were agriculturists and producers...the center of civilization and religion.

We believe this is an appropriate time for all nations, and especially the Christian nations of Europe, to show kindness to Israel...let us now restore to them the land of which they were so cruelly despoiled by our Roman ancestors.

The signatories' idea preceded the first World Zionist Congress that adopted the program to establish a Jewish homeland in Palestine by six years.

Endorsing The Balfour Declaration
In 1917, Lord Balfour sent a letter to Lord Rothschild, president of the British Zionist Federation, stating that the British Government would facilitate the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. President Wilson expressed his support for the Balfour Declaration when he stated on March 3, 1919:

The allied nations with the fullest concurrence of our government and people are agreed that in Palestine shall be laid the foundations of a Jewish Commonwealth.

After Wilson left office, his successors expressed similar support for the Zionist enterprise. "It is impossible for one who has studied at all the services of the Hebrew people to avoid the faith that they will one day be restored to their historic national home and there enter on a new and yet greater phase of their contribution to the advance of humanity," said President Warren Harding.

Calvin Coolidge expressed his "sympathy with the deep and intense longing which finds such fine expression in the Jewish National Homeland in Palestine."

"Palestine which, desolate for centuries, is now renewing its youth and vitality through enthusiasm, hard work, and self-sacrifice of the Jewish pioneers who toil there in a spirit of peace and social justice," observed Herbert Hoover.

Congress was no less sympathetic to the Zionist objective. One can look back to the joint Congressional resolutions of 1922 and 1944 that unanimously passed an endorsement of the Balfour Declaration. The House Foreign Affairs Committee stated in 1922:

The Jews of America are profoundly interested in establishing a National Home in the ancient land for their race. Indeed, this is the ideal of the Jewish people, everywhere, for, despite their dispersion, Palestine has been the object of their veneration since they were expelled by the Romans. For generations they have prayed for the return to Zion. During the past century this prayer has assumed practical form.

Legislatures in 33 states, representing 85 percent of the population, also adopted resolutions favoring the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. Governors of 37 states, 54 United States senators, and 250 congressmen signed petitions to the President.

The Campaign for Partition
In early 1947, the British, who then administered a League of Nations mandate for Palestine, decided to bring the question of how to resolve the dispute between Arabs and Jews to the United Nations. The General Assembly decided to set up the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) to investigate the cause of the conflict in Palestine, and, if possible, devise a solution.

The UNSCOP, composed of representatives from 11 nations, visited Palestine and found the Jewish community very responsive to its inquiries. The Arabs in Palestine greeted the UNSCOP with hostility and refused to cooperate. The Arab Higher Committee boycotted the Commission but demanded that the UN immediately grant Palestine its independence. As one author observed, the contrasting attitudes of Jews and Arabs toward the UNSCOP "could not fail to give the impression that the Jews were imbued with the sense of right and were prepared to plead their case before any unbiased tribunal, while the Arabs felt unsure of the justice of their cause, or were afraid to bow to the judgement of the nations."

One UNSCOP aide was particularly influential, an American named Ralph Bunche. Later Bunche would play a key role in negotiating armistice agreements between Israel and its neighbors following the War of Independence. In 1947, Bunche set up a meeting between two members of the UNSCOP and Menachem Begin, the leader of the Irgun Jewish underground. As he was leaving Begin's hideout, Bunche told the future Israeli Prime Minister: "I can understand you. I am also a member of a persecuted minority." Richard Crossman of Britain asked Bunche if his exposure to the Jews had made him anti-Semitic "yet." Bunche answered: "That would be impossible....I know the flavor of racial prejudice and racial persecution. A wise ***** can never be an anti-Semite."

The majority of the UNSCOP concluded after its investigation that the question of ownership or right to Palestine was an insoluble antinomy. Rather than try to solve it, they chose the logical alternative of partition, in which both Jews and Arabs would be given sovereignty in their own separate state.

The United States endorsed the majority report and called on the General Assembly to approve partition. Some dispute exists among scholars as to how vigorously the Truman Administration lobbied for the resolution. Nevertheless, ample evidence exists to indicate that U.S. influence played a critical role in securing the adoption of the partition resolution.

President Truman with David Ben-Gurion and Abba Eban

Less than six months later, Israel declared its independence and the United States was the first nation to grant de facto recognition to the new Jewish State—11 minutes after the proclamation. "I had faith in Israel before it was established, I have faith in it now," Truman said May 26, 1952. "I believe it has a glorious future before it—not just another sovereign nation, but as an embodiment of the great ideals of our civilization."

A Historical Commitment to Israel
The recognition of shared values has been a consistent theme in statements by American Presidents ever since Truman. John Kennedy, for example, declared: "This nation, from the time of President Woodrow Wilson, has established and continued a tradition of friendship with Israel because we are committed to all free societies that seek a path to peace and honor individual right. In the prophetic spirit of Zionism all free men today look to a better world and in the experience of Zionism we know that it takes courage and perseverance and dedication to achieve it."

"The United States and Israel share many common objectives...chief of which is the building of a better world in which every nation can develop its resources and develop them in freedom and peace," said Lyndon Johnson.

The roots of Johnson's feelings, like those of many other Americans came from the Bible. As he explained in a speech before B'nai B'rith: "Most if not all of you have very deep ties with the land and with the people of Israel, as I do, for my Christian faith sprang from yours." The President explained that "the Bible stories are woven into my childhood memories as the gallant struggle of modern Jews to be free of persecution is also woven into our souls."

Richard Nixon asserted that the United States stands by its friends and that "Israel is one of its friends." His successor, Gerald Ford, reaffirmed his "commitment to the security and future of Israel is based upon basic morality as well as enlightened self-interest. Our role in supporting Israel honors our own heritage."

"The United States," Jimmy Carter said, "has a warm and a unique relationship of friendship with Israel that is morally right. It is compatible with our deepest religious convictions, and it is right in terms of America's own strategic interests. We are committed to Israel's security, prosperity, and future as a land that has so much to offer the world."

Ronald Reagan was the first President to state explicitly that Israel was a strategic asset to the United States, a belief he expressed even before he was elected: "Only by full appreciation of the critical role the State of Israel plays in our strategic calculus can we build the foundation for thwarting Moscow's designs on territories and resources vital to our security and our national well-being." But Reagan also understood this alliance sprang from shared values: "Since the rebirth of the State of Israel, there has been an ironclad bond between that democracy and this one."

Shortly after taking office, George Bush said: "The friendship, the alliance between the United States and Israel is strong and solid, built upon a foundation of shared democratic values, of shared history and heritage, that sustains the life of our two countries. The emotional bond of our people transcends politics. Our strategic cooperation—and I renew today our determination that that go forward—is a source of mutual security. And the United States’ commitment to the security of Israel remains unshakeable. We may differ over some policies from time to time, individual policies, but never over the principle."

President Bill Clinton has taken the relationship to another level during his administration. "Our relationship would never vary from its allegiance to the shared values, the shared religious heritage, the shared democratic politics which have made the relationship between the United States and Israel a special—even on occasion a wonderful—relationship."

The Jewish population in the United States is less than six million; therefore, the political activity of Jews who view strengthening U.S.-Israel relations to be in the national interest alone cannot explain the depth of the friendship that exists. Fewer than 3 percent of the population could hardly have such a dramatic influence on American foreign policy. The U.S.-Israel alliance is rooted in shared values.

If one were forced to reduce the explanation for the unique relationship between the United States and Israel to one sentence, it was probably best expressed by Lyndon Johnson. When Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin asked Johnson why the United States supports Israel when there are 80 million Arabs and only three million Israelis, the President replied simply: "Because it is right."

2006-07-16 08:55:47 · 21 answers · asked by anseru 2 in Politics & Government Military

21 answers

I don't let my enemies pick my friends either.

2006-07-16 08:59:39 · answer #1 · answered by Anonymous · 6 5

The long historical facts you give answers most of everything, but the fact remains that Israel has a formidaable army, Palestinians do not , so the words of Emma Lazarus at the statue of liberty is for all homeless , Jews and Palestinians.I could understand if the Arabs countries there would involve themselves in war machines, and army , that the underdog must be defended, but sadly this is not the case> That the Jews have a right to live , there in the middle east , yes, but so do the Palestinians, is a justly respond to your question, then again terrorrism is a vague word when you are reffering to people who blow themselfs up in acts of desperation! We need to be JUST here , because the Palestinians had nothing to do with happened in Germany, wchich is an European countyr. Arabs and Jews can live in harmony once they understand their brotherhood and common ancestry, they do share the same father.

2006-07-16 09:09:25 · answer #2 · answered by Anonymous · 4 0

Never-the-less, this is a vast over simplification. What
was Ted Kazinski's problem?

Not all terrorists are Middle Eastern.

I think terrorism is going to quickly become a class
struggle - only America's poorest actually have a clue
what destitution means elsewhere. We have, others
want.

I don't think Americans (or many Israelis) fully understand
how a culture that values religious fervor can despise
the west as much as it does. From their point of view, we
have substituted valuable cash prizes for Godliness.

And in many cases, they are right, now, aren't they?

I don't mean to devalue the relationship described in
your question, but it is only one aspect of the mind of a
terrorist.

2006-07-16 09:06:20 · answer #3 · answered by Elana 7 · 3 0

If the "terrorists" believe that, they are certainly wrong.

The US turned back the Jews to face the Holocaust.

Between 1938 and 1941, hundreds of thousands of Jews fled Europe, hoping to escape Nazi persecution. Despite knowing full well the brutality of the Nazis toward the Jews, the U.S. government adhered tightly to its immigration quota system.

In 1939, some 900 Jewish refugees on a ship named the St. Louis wandered in the waters off of Florida and Cuba for a week waiting to get permission to land. Even though 700 of the ship’s passengers had already registered for foreign visas, the U.S. refused to let them land and grant them temporary visas until the quota numbers could become current.

The St. Louis was forced to return to Europe. On the way back, refugee agencies convinced Holland, France, Belgium and Britain to give the passengers sanctuary--but many were later trapped when Germany invaded Western Europe and perished in the Nazi concentration camps.

This is the not-so-proud history of the “land of the free.”

2006-07-16 09:07:47 · answer #4 · answered by Anonymous · 10 3

Thanks for the dissertation, but I already knew that.
Not only those points stated in the book, but the United States also has helped with tons of money and military aide in weapons development, to many of the U.A.E. dissatisfaction.
And last but not least the religious differences that are prevalent in their own societies, but ours as well.

2006-07-16 09:06:02 · answer #5 · answered by Biker 6 · 3 0

I agree with you. However, I think you should make your message no more than three short paragraphs if you want people reading it. This is Yahoo Answers.

2006-07-16 09:02:15 · answer #6 · answered by spot 5 · 7 1

I'm tired of billions of our tax dollars going to Israel. We fund there war machine and help them to eradicate the Arab nations. Could it be because they really have more control of our government, media,banking system and Hollywood. Good brainwashing tactics. Maybe the next ones to go will be the supposed Christians. What do you think?

2006-07-16 09:39:31 · answer #7 · answered by Anonymous · 10 4

where did you get this info,another pie in the sky american history book i suppose,and even if these people said all of the above that dosen't mean that it a fact just on their say so.

2006-07-16 10:44:13 · answer #8 · answered by Anonymous · 2 3

Maybe we should just turn our backs on all our allies if the terriost want us to. Hell why not kiss there asses while were at it.

2006-07-16 10:00:47 · answer #9 · answered by Anonymous · 3 3

Good post and I agree...we MUST support Israel. But of course someone is going to come along and point out that that wasn't really a question...you are only allowed to post long editorial comments if you are quoting the michael moores of the world.

2006-07-16 09:01:54 · answer #10 · answered by RunningOnMT 5 · 2 9

Yes, that's no secret. Is evil when you hate them but is not evil when they hate us back, how stupid is that, first comment?

2006-07-16 08:59:48 · answer #11 · answered by lelekid4ever 5 · 4 3

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