No because no matter when you're Conservative or Libertarian a society which won't be able to assure the rights of all will be stated to be Fascistic or a minimum of undemocratic and to a point totalitarian. So I disagree with Ron Paul with out questioning his motives, wish this helps
2016-11-27 20:24:30
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answer #2
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answered by Anonymous
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Easy - That would be Algore Sr. He blocked the civil rights bill until after the elections.
He was also bought and paid for by Occidental Petroleum. The Gore's made their fortune from "Big Oil".
2007-02-13 05:01:45
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answer #3
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answered by radical4capitalism 3
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I am sorry, I researched your question for a while I hope this answer your question if not, let me know if it helped you as well. Your question was very interesting. I believe it was Al Gore father but I did not find it.
Senator Richard Russell, Democrat from Georgia, led the so-called opposition forces. The group was also known as the "southern bloc." It was composed of eighteen southern Democrats and one Republican, John Tower of Texas. Although a hopeless minority, the group exerted much influence because Senate rules virtually guaranteed unlimited debate unless it was ended by cloture. The "southern bloc" relied on the filibuster to postpone the legislation as long as possible, hoping that support for civil rights legislation throughout the country would falter. The Democratic leadership and Humphrey could not control the southern wing of the party.
Russell's forces disliked civil rights legislation for several reasons. Many feared that their southern constituents would vote them out of office if, as senators, they voted for equal rights for African Americans. The "southern bloc" held up consideration of the bill from March into June hoping that presidential candidate George Wallace, a segregationist from Alabama, would do well in the early presidential primaries. If Wallace seemed popular, Russell would argue that the nation as a whole did not support federal civil rights legislation and that the Senate should not pass an unwanted bill. Southern senators could not compromise. Only by forcing cloture could they demonstrate to their constituents that they had fought to the end against hopeless odds.
From Filibuster to Cloture
The filibuster forces knew that they faced a long and tiring battle. Their opponents had anticipated and planned for the filibuster. In fact, Humphrey personally opened full-fledged debate on the civil rights bill on March 30 with a three hour, eleven-minute speech from a 68 page speech of his own in defense of H. R. 7152. Both Humphrey and Thomas Kuchel (R-CA), Senate Minority Whip gathered enough senators together so that at any time a quorum call came up, the pro-civil rights forces could answer it. Northerners also combated the "southern bloc" by answering southerners' criticisms of the bill on the floor rather than simply letting the filibusterers speak indefinitely without response. To respond to the organized opposition, southerners formed a platoon system composed of three six- member filibuster teams. When one team had the floor for the filibuster, the other two would rest and then prepare to take turns speaking on the floor.
The Republican Party was not so badly split as the Democrats by the civil rights issue. Only one Republican senator participated in the filibuster against the bill. In fact, since 1933, Republicans had a more positive record on civil rights than the Democrats. In the twenty-six major civil rights votes since 1933, a majority of Democrats opposed civil rights legislation in over 80 % of the votes. By contrast, the Republican majority favored civil rights in over 96 % of the votes.
The Republican pro-civil rights forces were blessed with gifted leadership. Although Senate minority whip Thomas Kuchel initially managed the party's forces, it increasingly became clear to Democrats, Republicans, the press, civil rights groups, and the White House that Everett McKinley Dirksen was the key man in the entire civil rights legislative effort.
After criticizing H. R. 7152 in March, Dirksen began to work more closely in late spring with Humphrey and the civil rights forces to fashion a strategy that would secure passage of the bill. Dirksen organized Republican support for the bill by designating a floor captain for each of the bill's seven sections. He and the bipartisan leaders believed that five or six "swing" votes held the key to cloture and the end of debate. Almost all of these uncommitted senators were conservative Republicans from rural states without racial difficulties. Their constituents opposed the legislation because it involved expanded federal powers. The problem facing the leadership was how to enlist the support of these uncommitted senators.
By working with Dirksen to swing key votes and by marshaling public opinion and constituent support for the civil rights measure, Senate leaders moved forward with the legislation.
Pressure for Senate Action
Interest in the legislative course of H. R. 7152 was not confined to Congress. Outside pressure on Congress came from ordinary citizens, civil rights organizations, church organizations, and the executive branch of government.
Individual citizens responded to the civil rights battle in the Senate in amazing numbers. In June 1964, for example, Senator Dirksen estimated that he had heard from at least 100,000 people about the bill. Senate offices could not keep up with the thousands of letters they received daily and had to respond by form letter. Many citizens urged adoption of H. R. 7152 without change in the Senate; others clamored for a seemingly endless variety of modifications. Public opinion was at fever pitch. "Sharp opinions have developed," Dirksen observed before continuing:
Incredible allegations have been made. Extreme views have been asserted. The mail volume has been heavy. The bill has provoked many long-distance telephone calls, many of them late at night or in the small hours of
2007-02-13 05:20:17
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answer #5
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answered by iraqidesertmp 3
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