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More specifically his accomplishments in the Economy, and Federal Affairs.

2007-02-08 17:43:30 · 2 answers · asked by 1vn t_choine 3 in Arts & Humanities History

2 answers

Try:
http://home.earthlink.net/~gfeldmeth/qz9.htm

http://teachpol.tcnj.edu/amer_pol_hist/thumbnail139.html

AND:

The decisions of the Supreme Court also reflected the nationalism of the postwar period. With John Marshall as chief justice, the Supreme Court greatly expanded its powers, prestige, and independence. When Marshall took office, in the last days of John Adams's administration in 1801, the Court met in the basement of the Capitol and was rarely in session for more than six weeks a year. Since its creation in 1789, the Court had only decided 100 cases.

In a series of critical decisions, the Supreme Court greatly expanded its authority. Marbury v. Madison (1803) established the Supreme Court as the final arbiter of the Constitution and its power to declare acts of Congress unconstitutional. Fletcher v. Peck (1810) declared the Court's power to void state laws. Martin v. Hunter's Lessee (1816) gave the Court the power to review decisions by state courts.

After the War of 1812, Marshall wrote a series of decisions that further strengthened the powers of the national government. McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) established the constitutionality of the second Bank of the United States and denied to states the right to exert independent checks on federal authority. The case involved a direct attack on the second Bank of the United States by the state of Maryland, which had placed a tax on the bank notes of all banks not chartered by the state.

In his decision, Marshall dealt with two fundamental questions. The first was whether the federal government had the power to incorporate a bank. The answer to this question, the Court ruled, was yes because the Constitution granted Congress implied powers to do whatever was "necessary and proper" to carry out its constitutional powers--in this case, the power to manage a currency. In a classic statement of "broad" or "loose" construction of the Constitution, Marshall said, "Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional."

The second question raised in McCullouch v. Maryland was whether a state had the power to tax a branch of the Bank of the United States. In answer to this question, the Court said no. The Constitution, the Court asserted, created a new government with sovereign power over the states. "The power to tax involves the power to destroy," the Court declared, and the states do not have the right to exert an independent check on the authority of the federal government.

During this period, the Supreme Court also encouraged economic competition and development. In Dartmouth v. Woodward (1819) the Court promoted business growth by denying states the right to alter or impair contracts unilaterally. The case involved the efforts of the New Hampshire legislature to alter the charter of Dartmouth College, which had been granted by George III in 1769. The Court held that a charter was a valid contract protected by the Constitution and that states do not have the power to alter contracts unilaterally.

In Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), the Court broadened federal power over interstate commerce. The Court overturned a New York law that had awarded a monopoly over steamboat traffic on the Hudson River, ruling that the Constitution had specifically given Congress the power to regulate commerce.

Under John Marshall, the Supreme Court established a distribution of constitutional powers that the country still follows. The Court became the final arbiter of the constitutionality of federal and state laws, and the federal government exercised sovereign power over the states. As a result of these decisions, it would become increasingly difficult in the future to argue that the union was a creation of the states, that states could exert an independent check on federal government authority, or that Congress's powers were limited to those specifically conferred by the Constitution.

2007-02-10 00:14:09 · answer #1 · answered by Apolo 6 · 0 0

Racial prejudice and discrimination. The Spanish perception in limpieza de sangre led to a social shape pitted classes of human beings against others. on the right of the colonial Spanish social shape have been the Peninsulares- organic Spaniards born interior the motherland; decrease than them have been the insulares- organic Spaniards yet born interior the Philippine Islands. decrease than the insulares have been the criollos or mestizos. The mestizos- suited neither to peninsulares nor insulares - in turn regarded down on anyone with lesser Spanish blood of their veins. curiously, it is no longer the Indios who occupy the backside point of this stratification. in certainty, the black slaves or the dark peoples from India such via fact the Kaffirs (cafres) have been considered via fact the backside of the low via distinctive characteristic of their darker epidermis colorings. This inflexible social stratification became felt in all factors of society- in governance, in employer or maybe interior the Church. non secular orders interior the Philippines on no account customary anyone with decrease than organic Spanish blood in them. The secular clergy customary mestizos and have been subsequently regarded down via the contributors of the non secular clergy. The Liberal regime of Carlos Ma. de l. a. Torre first gave social attractiveness to the two Insulares and criollos, the shortcoming of which privilege became tremendously resented via those classes after the return of appropriate-wing government uder Gov. Gen Inquierdo( a mirrored photograph of Spansih politics). as a manner of protest, the Insulares began styling themselves no longer as Espanoles yet as Filipinos, a reason joined in via the mestizo class. meanwhile, the generally-mestizo secular clergy became feeling the brunt of discrimination via the organic-bred Spansih non secular clergy.whilst their management (Fr.s Mariano Gomez and Burgos) grew to grow to be implicated via the failed Cavite Mutiny, the sympathy of the two the Insulares, the mestizos and the organic Indios fell on them. After the mass deportation of premier figures from those classes, the call Filipino grew to grow to be a conflict cry for those outdoors the closed circle of Peninsulares. No ask your self Rizal -whose brother Paciano labored heavily with Fr Gomez of the Manila Cathedral- evaluate the year 1872 as a necessary year, whilst the greater suitable type of human beings interior the colonies began to rally to the nationalistic call Filipino. something is history.

2016-12-17 05:49:10 · answer #2 · answered by Anonymous · 0 0

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