what was a Zubatov Union?

Question

and what did they stand for/do?

Answer 1

Sergei Zubatov was born in 1863. As a student he was active in revolutionary politics until being expelled from university.

Zubatov found work as a manager of a bookshop owned by Alexandra Mikhina. This enabled him to distribute banned literature to fellow radicals.

In 1883 Zubatov began working as a police spy. Three years later he joined Okhrana. As a former revolutionary Zubatov believed he was in a good position to know how to defeat them.

In 1895 Zubatov was appointed as head of the Moscow section of Okhrana. He gradually introduced several modern methods of detection including photographic files, a systematic registration of suspects and a flying squad to deal with acts of terrorism. Zubatov also trained his in revolutionary theory and conspiratorial methods.

Zabatov also used secret agents to set up the Mutual Assistance League of Workers in the Mechanical Industry. His agents became the leaders of this trade union and they attempted to persuade the workers not to make demands for higher wages and better working conditions. This proved unsuccessful and by 1,903 the union had to be disbanded because its members had began to take part in strikes.

Vyacheslav Plehve, the Minister of the Interior, was angry at the failure of this policy, and in 1,903 he sacked Zabatov and sent him into exile. While in Vladimir, Zabatov wrote articles that were published in Grazhdanin (Citizen) where he defended Nicholas II and his autocratic rule.



Sergei Zubatov

1. Was a strong supporter of Nicholas II and the autocracy.

2. Did not believe in universal suffrage.

3. Wanted the Russian government to deal harshly with those people demanding political reforms.

4. Thought Russia should support Serbia against the Triple Alliance.

5. Thought Russia should honour its obligations and support the Triple Entente against the Triple Alliance.

6. As the Russian Army was the largest army in the world he was convinced that Russia would defeat Austria-Hungary and Germany in a war.

7. If the Triple Entente defeated the Triple Alliance, Russia would gain control of Posen, Silesia, Galicia, North Bukovina and the Dardanelles.

Answer 2

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Answer 3

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Answer 5

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Answer 6

In its simplest form Zubatov Unions were a mechanism through which the Tzarist authorities hoped to control the working masses by steering the Unions in the direction that they wanted and in the process indentifing potential trouble makers and revolutionaries.

The Rise of Police Trade Unionism
The stormy rise of a working-class movement in the years 1900–03. The Tsarist government reacted to this in its usual way, by heavy repression. It also tried a new method of heading off the revolutionary steam.

In 1901, a police report on the state of labour asserted:

Agitators, seeking to rewrite their goals, have achieved some success, unfortunately, in organising the workers to fight against the government. Within the last three or four years the easygoing Russian young man has been transformed into a special type of semi-literate intelligent, who feels obliged to spurn religion and family, to disregard the law, and to defy and scoff at constituted authority. Fortunately such young men are not numerous in the factory, but this negligible handful terrorises the inert majority of workers into following it.

Although this report distorted the real situation, it did point to a real change in the working class: a number of workers had started joining revolutionary groups.

It was to outflank and divert this development that a section of the secret police initiated a new form of police trade unionism: Zubatovism (Zubatov was chief of the Moscow Gendarmerie). As conceived, workers’ societies were to be formed with police approval, to provide opportunities for co-operative self-help for workers, and protection against the influence of revolutionaries. Such groups were organised in Moscow, Odessa, Kiev, Nikolayev, and Kharkov.

But the police plans did not work out as expected. The workers used the legal Zubatov organisations to organise strikes and vent their demands. In fact, as the Bolshevik historian M.N. Pokrovsky related, the result of Zubatovism was entirely different to Zubatov’s expectations:

Precisely because these workmen were politically so undeveloped, Zubatovism was a tremendous step in the direction of developing their class consciousness, in helping them to understand the class opposition between the worker and employer. The whole business did nothing but ape the agitation of the Social Democrats – that was all there was in the idea. In their clumsy imitation of the revolutionary agitators, Zubatov’s agents went so far as to promise that the government would soon have the factories taken away from the employers and handed over to the workmen. The government, they said, was ready to do anything for the workers, if they stopped listening to the “petty intelligentsia.” In some strikes the police actually supported the strikers, paid them relief money, and so on.

A strike led by the Zubatov unions in Odessa in July 1902, unexpectedly for the initiators, drew in the whole of the city and acquired a markedly political character. Mass political strikes in 1903 spread through almost the whole of South Russia (Kiev, Ekatarinoslav, Nikolayev, Elisavetgrad, and other towns). The effect was to turn the Tsarist government against Zubatovism. All the societies, with the exception of those of St. Petersburg and Moscow, were disbanded by the end of 1903 and Zubatov was exiled. But Tsarism continued to vacillate, and within a few weeks “police socialism” was again introduced as a weapon against the revolutionary movements.

The police union in St. Petersburg was called the “Assembly of Russian Factory and Workshop Workers.” It had branches in all the districts of the capital and organised mutual aid and cultural, educational, and religious activities. It was led by Father Gapon, a prison chaplain and protégé of Zubatov.

The Gapon movement began as a most “loyal” undertaking, innocent of the smallest attempts to join in the struggle between labor and capital. Its modest aim was to give workers a chance to gather and soberly spend their free time in edifying pursuits. In the early period, as Gapon wrote subsequently, every meeting at the first tearoom-reading room “began and closed with prayer.” At the official opening of the Assembly on April 11, 1904, after it had received its statute, a religious service was held, God Save the Tsar was sung three times, and the Assembly sent a telegram to the Minister of the Interior, “with the respectful request to lay at the feet of His Imperial Majesty the adored Monarch the most submissive feelings of the workers inspired by zealous love for the throne and the fatherland.”

Answer 7

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Answer 8

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